The 45-kilometer-long A Shau
Valley, located in rugged country in southwestern Thua Thien province
along the Laotian border, was the site of Base Area 611. This base area
was a terminus of the Ho Chi Minh Trail, a series of roads, trails and
pipelines along the Chaine Annamitique mountains that begin in North
Vietnam and continue southward along the Laotian and Cambodian border
areas to some 60 kilometers from Saigon. On January 20, 1969, after a
hardened road into the eastern part of the valley was constructed,
Operation Dewey Canyon was launched into the A Shau. Led by the three
battalions of the 9th Marine Regiment, the Marines not only advanced to
the Laotian border but also launched a battalion-sized raid into Laos
itself. They discovered that the NVA had built major roads in the area,
and as many as 1,000 trucks were moving east from there. After capturing
enormous enemy arms caches, including 73 AAA guns, 16 122mm artillery
guns, nearly 1,000 AK-47 rifles and more than a million rounds of
small-arms and machine-gun ammunition, the Marines withdrew on March 13,
1969.
In January, 1969,
intelligence reports indicated a large enemy buildup in the A Shau Valley
south of Vandergrift Combat Base. The 9th Marines, commanded now by
Colonel Robert H. Barrow, were given the task of denying the enemy access
of the valley. It marked the kick-off of Operation Dewey Canyon which was
to become one of the most successful operations in the regiments history
in Vietnam.
The 56 days of Operation
Dewey Canyon were marked by unparalleled Marine successes and constant
frustration and defeat for the enemy. The largest enemy munitions and arms
cache of the war, over 500 tons of communist arms and ammunition, were
uncovered by the Marines. Among the 215 crew served weapons captured and
destroyed were 12 Russian-made 122mm field guns. When the operation ended
March 18th, 1,617 of the enemy had been killed. It was a superb display of
the effectiveness of the Marine Corps air and ground team in combat.
During the operation, the Leathernecks utilized both artillery and air in
this now famous operation.
Operation Dewey Canyon was
not to be the 9th Marines farewell to the A Shau Valley however. In early
May, Operation Apache Snow was initiated in the valley as the regiment,
commanded by Colonel Edward F. Danowitz, served as a blocking force for
Army and ARVN units driving north. Although enemy contact was light for
the Marines, the operation served to verify the effectiveness of the units
previous thrust into the area.
Operation Dewey Canyon was the last
major offensive by the United States Marine Corps during
the Vietnam War. It took place from January 22 through
March 18,
1969 and
involved a sweep of the North Vietnamese Army
(NVA)-dominated A Shau Valley by the 9th Marine Regiment
reinforced by elements of the 3rd Marine Regiment. The
56 days of combat were a tactical success, but did not
stop the overall flow of North Vietnamese men and
materiel into South Vietnam.
Prior to the launching of the
operation, U.S. Marine infantry units in the northern I
Corps region had been tied to their combat bases along
the South Vietnam border as part of the McNamara Line.
This "line" was a combination of infantry units and
ground sensors devised to stop North Vietnamese
infiltration into South Vietnam along the Ho Chi Minh
Trail. When Lieutenant General RaymondDavis took command of the 3rd Marine Division, he
ordered Marine units to move out of their combat bases
and engage the enemy. He had noted that the manning of
the bases and the defensive posture they developed was
contrary to the aggressive style of fighting that
Marines favor. In early 1969, intelligence reports
indicated that there had been a large NVA build-up in
the A Shau Valley. The A Shau was just 6 miles east of
the Laotian border and some 21 miles long. Based on this
intelligence,
Colonel Robert
Barrow’s9th MarineRegiment
was ordered to depart Vandegrift Combat Base some 50
miles to the east and sweep west to deny use of the
valley to the enemy.
Operation Dewey Canyon was divided
into three parts: 1) the movement and positioning of air
assets, 2) the movement of the 9th Marines south out of
their combat base, and 3) the sweep of the A Shau
valley. As the 9th Marines moved towards the A Shau
valley, they established numerous firebases along the
way which would provide them their artillery support
once they entered the valley and guard their main supply
route. All of these bases needed to be resupplied by
helicopter due to their distance from the main combat
bases and because resupply via ground was very difficult
during monsoon season.
The Marines encountered stiff
resistance throughout the conduct of the operation, most
of which was fought under triple canopy jungle and
within range of NVA artillery based in Laos. Marine
casualties included 130 killed in action and 932
wounded.
In return, the USMC reported 1,617
killed enemies, the discovery of 500 tons of arms and
munitions, and denial of the valley as a NVA staging
area for the duration of the operation. They claimed the
operation as an overall success.
Operation Dewey Canyon was
conducted in three phases with the raids into Laos being
the third and final phase. Although all three battalions
were involved with the operation, only elements of the
2nd Battalion actually participated in the raid into
Laos. This was due to the fact that each battalion was
given an area of operation south of Fire Support Bases
Cunningham and Erskine with 2nd Battalion 9th Marines
area of operations taking them all the way to the South
Vietnamese-Laotian border.
The third phase commenced on
February 11, 1969 and by the 20th of February,
Lieutenant Colonel Fox's 2nd Battalion had both Echo and
Hotel Company on the Laotian border. From their
position, Hotel Company could see enemy convoys
traveling along Route 922. Hotel Commanding Officer
David F. Winecoff later reported in U.S. Marines in
Vietnam High Mobility and Standown 1969:
"The company, of course, was
talking about let's get down on the road and do some
ambushing. I don't think they really thought that they
were going to let us go over into Laos ... I knew if the
military had their way we'd be over there in Laos and
the company was all up for it.... With the Paris Peace
Talks going on, I wasn't sure what route was going to be
taken."
It should be noted that requests
had been sent up the chain of command to get permission
into Laos by Major General Davis, 3rd Marine Division
Commanding General. This led to Operation Prairie Fire
conducted by Special Operations Group (SOG) to
reconnaissance into Laos. On February 20, Lieutenant
General Richard G. Stilwell forwarded Davis' request to
have a limited raid into Base Area 611 up to General
Abrams for his approval. Things in the field were moving
along much faster and on the night of the 20th Captain
Winecoff continued to observe heavy truck traffic and
called in a fire mission.
On the 21st Captain Winecoff
received a message from Colonel Barrow 9th Marines
Commanding Officer, to set up an ambush along route 922.
The Captain's men were not in the greatest of conditions
and he requested a postponement, one that was denied by
Colonel Barrow. The Captain utilized his 1st and 2nd
Platoons and at 1610 1st Platoon moved out and made its
way to 2nd Platoons position. At 1830 Winecoff briefed
his men on the ambush. After dark they moved out towards
route 922, about 900 meters away. By 0100 Captain
Winecoff and Hotel Company were in place and setting up
the ambush. Within minutes of getting into position they
started hearing trucks coming down the road and
continued to observe as forty minutes later a lone truck
and one NVA soldier also walked through the kill zone.
Winecoff had not wanted the ambush sprung on one truck
or soldier realizing that eventually a bigger target
would come down the road. At 0230 the lights of eight
trucks appeared and as three trucks came into the kill
zone the column of vehicles stopped. Not wanting to give
away the ambush or their position Winecoff set off the
claymores and the ambush. The Marines poured small arms
and automatic weapons fire on the three vehicles. As
reported in U.S. Marines in Vietnam High Mobility and
Standown 1969 the forward observer alerted the artillery
and rounds bracketed the company position.
After minutes of fire, Captain
Winecoff had his men move forward ensuring that
everything was destroyed. The Company proceeded to then
move out to the rally point 600 meters away and waited
till daylight. Later it rejoined with 3rd Platoon who
had not been involved with the ambush due to the heavy
patrols it had been involved with in the previous days.
H Company was resupplied and the men rested. They had
destroyed three trucks and killed eight NVA soldiers.
Hotel did not suffer one single casualty by enemy fire.
It would not be their last action in Laos because within
days they would be patrolling inside Laotian borders.
After Action Reports of the patrol was met with positive
reviews and General Abrams formally approved the
operation. The success of the operation was more
valuable than just the destruction of the enemy, because
it allowed Colonel Barrow to request that continued
operations in Laos be approved. His reasoning for
continued operations was that the presences of the enemy
in the area were a threat to his troops. Barrow noted,
"I put a final comment on my message, which said, quote,
"Put another way, my forces should not be here if ground
interdiction of Route 922 not authorized." The message
finally reached General Abrams via General Stilwell who
had adopted the Colonel's recommendation. General Abrams
approved for further action on 24 February but
restricted discussions of the Laotian operation. The
following days would bring Hotel casualties not
encountered in their previous incursion into Laos.
Hotel Company was ordered to go
down route 922 on 24 February. Morale was low as the
Marines were tired after several days of patrolling.
Additionally they didn't want to leave the resupplies
that included 60 mm mortar ammunition, C-rations and
beer which they consumed as quoted by Captain Winecoff
in U.S. Marines in Vietnam High Mobility and Standown
1969. Hotel Company was to move into Laos followed by E
and F Companies and drive eastward on the road, forcing
the enemy into the hands of the 1st and 3d Battalions.
After a six hour night march Hotel setup a hasty ambush,
at 1100 on February 24th, six NVA soldiers walked into
their kill zone of which four were killed. On the 25th
Hotel Company continued to move eastward again engaging
NVA, resulting in the capture of one 122 mm field gun,
two 40mm antiaircraft guns and killing eight NVA
soldiers. Hotel Company suffered nine casualties during
this fire fight, two dead and seven wounded. Later that
day a company patrol was ambushed by an estimated 15
enemy troops who were dug in fortified bunkers and
fighting holes. The patrol was reinforced and was able
to fight its way through the enemy positions, capturing
a second 122 mm gun and killing two. Casualties were
mounting for Hotel Company: three killed and five
wounded. Corporal William D. Morgan was one of the men
killed in action when he made a daring dash and directed
enemy fire away from Private First Class Robinson
Santiago and another wounded buddy. He was posthumously
awarded the Medal of Honor by President Richard M. Nixon
for this action.
Hotel Company, flanked by Echo and
Fox Companies continued their drive east which was rapid
and didn't allow for the companies to do thorough
searches. Advancing much slower would have garnered much
more equipment. However, 2nd battalion did capture 20
tons of foodstuffs and ammunition, while killing 48 NVA
soldiers. The three companies were within 1000 meters of
the South Vietnamese border by 1 March and were
helilifted to Vandergrift Combat Base on 3 March
officially ending operations in Laos. 2nd battalion
sustained eight killed and 33 wounded during the
operation. For the record all of the dead were listed as
being killed in Quang Tri Province, South Vietnam and
for obvious political reasons no references were made
about being in Laos.
Lieutenant
Wesley Fox was awarded the
Medal of Honor for his
actions as commanding officer of Alpha Company, 1st
Battalion 9th Marines on 22
February 1969.
Cpl.William D. Morgan was awarded
the Medal of Honor for his actions as squad leader with
Hotel Company, 2nd Battalion 9th Marines. Cpl. Morgan
was killed in action on 25 February 1969.
LCpl. Thomas Noonan Jr was awarded
the Medal of Honor for his actions as a fire team leader
with Hotel Company, 2nd Battalion 9th Marines. LCpl.
Noonan was killed in action on 5 February 1969.
PFC Alfred M. Wilson was
awarded the Medal of Honor for his actions as a rifleman
with Mike Company, 3rd Battalion 9th Marines. PFC Wilson
was killed in action on 3 March 1969.
LtGen Raymond Davis’ son,
Lieutenant Miles Davis, was wounded in action during the
operation.
In 1971, the South Vietnamese
launched an invasion of Laos named Operation Dewey
Canyon II. The invasion was repelled and resulted in a
major tactical defeat.
In April 1971, the Vietnam Veterans
Against the War organized a protest rally in Washington,
D.C. and named it Operation Dewey Canyon III.
REFERENCES
Dewey Canyon. F/2/9 website.
Retrieved on
2006-07-06.
Herb, Richardson (2001). Dewey
Canyon, Trek Into Former Battlefield Revives Memories
and Creates New Friendships. Leatherneck.
Retrieved on
2006-07-06.
Sterner, C. Douglas (2001).
Operation Dewey Canyon. Wesley Fox. Retrieved on
2006-07-06.
(PDF file, posted on the Official website of the 1st
Battalion 9th Marines Network, Inc.)
Smith, Charles (1988). in (USMC): U.S.
Marines in Vietnam High Mobility and Standown 1969.
USMC, p.38-50.
PICTURE BY TOM PILSCH
Ashau Valley
south
PHOTO ARCHIVES
Ashau Valley
south
Ashau Valley
north
SAPPER ATTACK ON FSB CUNNINGHAM
Fire Support Base Cunningham dominated the A Shau Valley. The sappers of
the North.
Vietnamese Army’s 812th Regiment were ordered to destroy it.
By Michael R. Conroy
The mission of Operation Dewey Canyon was clear – disrupt and destroy
enemy logistics in
the A Shau Valley, particularly in the North Vietnamese Army’s (NVA)
Base Area 611. As
described by Samuel Lipsman and Edward Doyle in Fighting for Time, Part
of Boston Publishing
Company’s multivolume Vietnam Experience, Base Area 611 “straddled the
Vietnamese-Laotian
border just north of the A Shau Valley and south of the Da Krong
River…More than threequarters
of the base area was believed to lie in Laos, along Route 922. This
route later joined Route
548 to provide easy access for the NVA into the Da Nang-Hue coastal
region.”
NVA engineering units, inactive for months, had reopened several major
infiltration routes..
This included increased enemy activity along Route 922 as it enters the
A Shau Valley in the
Republic of South Vietnam from Laos. The intelligence reports brought
additional scrutiny on the
border areas. Enemy forces laid down heavy volumes of anti-air-craft
fire against U.S. helicopters
and other responding high-performance reconnaissance aircraft.
Surveillance reported sightings of
sophisticated wire communications networks and major engineering works
throughout Base Camp
Area 611 with, at times, more than 1,000 trucks per day on the move
south.
Evidence strongly indicated that major elements of the 6th and 9th NVA
Regiments were
attempting to work their way eastward through the A Shau Valley. There
they could be reinforced
by three battalions of the 812th Regiment, which after the Tet Offensive
of 1968 had pulled back
into the jungle sanctuary on the border for resupply and infusion of
replacements, and by elements
of the 4th and 5th NVA Regiments, which had withdrawn into the A Shau
Valley and Laos under
constant U.S. and ARVN pressure during 1968.
I seemed obvious that the NVA intended to launch a Tet offensive of some
kind in 1969,
although probably not of the devastating magnitude of the 1968 Tet. Any
form of victory, even one
of minor or only temporary tactical value, could have a significant
influence upon the civilian
population of South Vietnam and the United States, with a more far
reaching effect upon
bargaining positions at the Paris peace talks then underway. The enemy’s
jungle logistics system
would therefore have to be destroyed before it could be used.
No longer content to simply hold ground and fight insurgent forces
within South Vietnam,
U.S. commanders decided that it was time to take the battle to the North
Vietnamese Army. To
address the threat of a North Vietnamese invasion from Laos they would
strike at NVA
headquarters and logistics element in the border areas, thereby denying
the enemy access into the
critical populated areas of the coastal lowlands of Quang Tri, Thua
Thien and Quang Nam
provinces.
General Creighton Abrams, the MACV (Military Assistance Command Vietnam)
commander, wanted an operation to be conducted during the winter period
of 1968-1969, believing
that it had great tactical promise in advancing the issues of the war.
General Raymond G. Davis,
the 3rd Marine division commander, had discussed such an operation with
General Richard
Stilwell, XXIV Corps commander.
It would not be easy, for the enemy had chosen the site of their base
camp well. The terrain
in the A Shau Valley was as inhospitable and formidable as any in
Vietnam.
Because of its experience operating in the rugged mountains and thick
jungle canopy of
western Quang Tri province, the U.S. 9th Marine Regiment was selected to
conduct Operation Dewey
Canyon. The men of the regiment were mentally and physically prepared
for the rigors of Dewey
Canyon’s terrain. They brought to the operation experience in jungle
survival and landing zone
construction, as well as skills in the conduct of mountain warfare,
including heliborne operations
and the fire support base concept.
During the five-day planning period allowed for the operation, an XM-3
Airborne Personnel
Detector picked up evidence of enemy troop concentrations atop a
2,100-foot-long ridgeline 41/2
miles from the Laotian border which would be developed into Fire Support
Base Cunningham, the
eventual command center for the operation.
Phase One (1/19/1969 – 1/30/1969), of the operation, including all
pre-D-day activities
dealing with getting the artillery support established in the area,
began with the opening of three
fire support bases (Henderson, Tun Tavern, and Shiloh) on January 19.
After the area had been mostly cleared by aviation ordnance, Company I,
3rd Battalion, 9th
Marines (I/3/9), and Company M, 3rd Battalion, 9th Marines (M/3/9),
conducted heliborne assaults
into landing zones (LZs) India and Mike 1700 meters apart on Co Ca Va
Ridge. This is a
boomerang-shaped ridge approximately a half-mile long, running linearly
east to west, with its
southern flank an almost sheer cliff to the valley below. Meeting no
resistance, the way was clear
for Company K, 3rd Battalion, 9th marines, and engineers to sweep in and
begin construction of the
fire support base.
There was no secrecy involved in the creation of a fire support base. It
was an anthill of
activity, a major engineering feat and the scene of massive organized
confusion as chain saws bit
into the huge jungle hardwoods. Numerous explosions sent rocks,
splinters, tree limbs, and even
whole trees, raining down through clouds of choking, rising dust.
The rapid buildup of support facilities at FSB Cunningham was
impressive, essentially
turning the fire support base into a mini-combat base. When placed atop
a dominant terrain feature,
the fire support bases were defensible but, as “fixed” forward positions
established in the enemy’s
territory by forcible entry, they were beacons and targets quickly place
under constant observation
by the enemy.
From the moment the Marines landed on Co Ca Va Ridge and began their
construction
efforts they were under constant enemy surveillance. It was soon obvious
to the NVA observers that
this was the operational command center for all Marine operations in the
area. Accordingly, and
NVA sapper unit was ordered to do a feasibility study upon which to
formulate assault plans
against the fire support base.
The Marines knew the enemy’s tactics well. Accordingly, the infantry dug
their fighting
holes, usually two-man positions, no more than 50 feet apart. As much
barbed wire as could be
obtained was strung in several different configurations all around the
outpost, with additional
barriers, such as flares, trip-wire booby traps and anti-personnel
mines, placed at what were
perceived to be the most likely avenues of enemy approach.
Interlocking field of fire for individual and crew-served weapons were
established so that
the defenders achieved a 360-degree integrated pattern of defensive
fire. Outposts with good
vantage points were established. Listening posts were also established
that would intercept attacks
or attempt at infiltration before allowing enemy forces to approach
close to the defensive lines.
Because of their forward and exposed natures, the location of those
outposts was continually
changing. Additional protection for the fire support base was provided
by constant patrols around
the position.
The fire support bases in no way resembled a secure area with all the
trappings of a
permanent installation. As operations proceeded, empty ammunition crates
were broken down and
utilized as footpaths. Garbage disposal, although a problem, was never a
high priority. Plastic and
cardboard wrappings, expended artillery shells and empty C-ration cans
quickly stacked up. Due
to the proximity of large stores of ammunition, engineering explosives
and powder charges, trash
fires were not allowed. The trash pits and bunkers were almost
immediately infested with legion of
mice and rats.
The bunkers were dark and musty. Beds were made of whatever could be
scrounged or
improvised. There were no windows. Available electricity was reserved
for communication and
equipment. New men soon learned that peanut butter, when burned, made a
dim candle. Inside the
bunkers the men attracted hordes of voracious gnats and mosquitoes.
Insect bites became ulcerated
wounds constantly irritated by salty sweat. Every sore turned into
jungle rot.
Mail was infrequently delivered. Hot meals were a thing of the past.
Supplies were low and
for several days at a time, non-existent. The men found themselves
eating cold C-ration spaghetti
for breakfast and being thankful to have it. There was little water for
cooking or shaving and not
much more for drinking.
Then there was the constant enemy fire. There was nothing routine about
being on the
receiving end of an artillery barrage, even when the attacks came daily
or hourly and there were no
casualties. Nerves were constantly frayed. Marines in underground
positions held their breath and
cast nervous eyes to straining timbers as loose dirt sifted through
their accumulation of timbers,
runway matting, sandbags and logs overhead. Equipment was damaged and
efficiency impaired.
The effect was cumulatively debilitating.
Finally, there was the danger of ground attack. A sapper unit of the NVA
812th Regiment
had been assigned the mission of attacking FSB Cunningham. Its primary
objective was to
penetrate the Marine defenses and inflict maximum casualties, destroy
equipment, ordnance and
installations, and then withdraw. A sapper attack was not designed to
seize and hold or occupy a
prominent terrain feature.
The sappers took the time to professionally and skillfully plan their
attack. A week was
devoted to executing a detailed reconnaissance of the fire support base.
The terrain was minutely
analyzed, defensive patrol patterns studied, crew-served weapons’
positions plotted, obstacles
sketched and estimates made of the time that would be required to breach
defensive barriers.
By February 16, 1969, the NVA sappers were ready to commence their
attacks on FSB
Cunningham. The period between their final reconnaissance and the
commencement of their attack
was allocated to briefings and rehearsals. Sand tables had been prepared
from detailed sketches
made of all the Marine installations. All possible approach routes had
been carefully reviewed and
the concept of terrain appreciation utilized in developing the plan of
attack.
The natural and man-made obstacles had been plotted. The marines’ flares
and detonation
devices had been located. Each sapper was given precise instructions on
his mission. Supporting
fire concentrations had been planned, checked and rechecked. The attack
signal, passwords, and
withdrawal and rally point signals were memorized by all hands. The
sappers used a flare system
as a source of communications: red-area hard to get into;
white-withdrawal; green-victory; green
followed by white-reinforcements requested. Personnel, ammunition and
weapons were carefully.
checked.
The sappers were organized into five
groups. Group 1, led by Comrade An, consisted of 16
men divided into four-man teams. The first team was assigned to attack
the command operations
center and mortar positions. The second team was to attack to the right
and link up with Comrade
Bong’s Group 2 at the helicopter-landing zone. The third team was to
attack to the left, assault
through the landing zone and link up with Group 3, led by Comrade Tan.
The fourth team was to
attack to the front toward the landing zone.
Group 2 consisted of 15 men divided into four teams led by Comrade Bong.
His first four man
team was assigned to attack and destroy the artillery fire direction
control center and other
battery facilities on the east end of the fire support base. The second
team was to attack artillery
positions to the right while the third four-man team attacked artillery
positions to the left. The
remaining three-man team was designated the group’s reserve force.
Comrade Tam’s Group 3 consisted of 12 men divided into four three-man
teams
concentrating on the west end of the fire support base. The first team
was assigned to attack
artillery positions to the left. The second team was to attack to the
right, advancing and exploiting
contact with the Group 1 leader, Comrade An. The third team was to
attack directly forward and.
then link up with a fourth group, led by Comrade Pha, for the mop-up
operations. The fourth team
would be held in reserve.
Pha’s group was organized to function as the extraction force to assist
in the withdrawal of
the grou0s assaulting specific objectives. A fifth group of over 100 men
would provide the
assaulting forces with a base of fire utilizing RPG’s, mortars,
automatic weapons and small-arms
fire.
The attack forces moved out from their various base camps at 7:30 a.m.
Using previously
reconned routes, they executed a covered approach to their final
assembly areas. Movement was
initiated many hours prior to the assault phase as the sappers had
deliberately chosen the most
difficult avenues of approach to the target in order to avoid
observation.
By 6 p.m. all the NVA sapper groups were only 100 meters outside the
concertina-wire
obstacles surrounding FSB Cunningham. The NVA sappers slowly crept to
assault positions just
outside the defensive wire, aided by reduced visibility. There was
little moonlight and a thick
blanket of fog enveloped not only the fire support base but all routes
of entry to it. Although the
approach was slow and cautious, the assault itself would be made with
utmost speed. The sappers
assumed that the majority of the defenders would be driven into their
bunkers by the mortar attack
that would precede their assault. The sappers knew that once the
defensive obstacles were breached
under this covering fire, the bunkers would become death traps for the
Marines.
In anticipation of the Lunar New Year (or Tet) cease-fire, the roaring
of the big artillery
pieces on FSB Cunningham fell silent at midnight, although the allied
countrywide 24-hour truce
went into effect a 6 p.m. on February 16.
At precisely 2 a.m., the NVA mortar sections commenced placing accurate
supporting fire
on previously plotted primary targets, mortar positions, the command
bunker, artillery positions
and communications bunkers. The Marines could hear the mortar rounds as
they were tubed. The
devastatingly accurate mortar fire forced the Marines into their bunkers
where they felt safe due to
a minimum overhead cover of at least four layers of sandbags.
In the midst of the noise, damage and confusion, it was immediately
obvious that key
installations were the target of the intense barrage. The Marines in
fighting holes on the perimeter
kept their heads down.
The Marine defensive positions were manned on the northern slope by the
men of Lima
Company, 3rd Battalion, 9th Marine Regiment. Defensive positions on the
flanks and along the
southern edge of the ridge were manned by a combination of Marines from
the artillery units and
Colonel Barrow’s headquarters group. In addition, a reaction force of 50
Marines from the
communications, engineer and staff sections of the headquarters group
were on standby as a
reserve defensive force.
The mortar barrage reached a crescendo a 2:15 a.m. as the NVA assault
groups began their
efforts to breach the defensive obstacles. The initial assault wave came
from the northeast. The
sappers made liberal use of Bangalore torpedoes fashioned from
half-pound blocks of TNT lashed
together between bamboo sticks. The ingenious attack route lay through
one of the many trash.
dumps with well-worn paths leading to every major battery facility.
Mats, brush and other local materials were thrown across the barbed wire
obstacles. As the
mortar fire was lifted, rocket-propelled Chicom grenades, satchel
charges and the Bangalore
torpedoes created the impression that the mortars were still firing,
serving to keep the defenders on
the perimeter positions inside their bunkers. The Marines were suffering
from too may head ringing
explosions to notice the difference. For hours before the cease-fire
began, the artillery
batteries at the fire support bases had been hammering away in direct
support of other defensive
positions. The cacophony of noise was deafening. The NVA sappers who
broke through the
defensive wire barriers tossed concussion grenades and satchel charges
into every open hole they
could find. The RPG’s (rocket-propelled grenades) and automatic weapons
fire of the NVA base
group was concentrated on the firing slits and ports of the bunkers.
Although the situation was
confusing, the Marines quickly realized that they were under ground
attack and responded
ferociously, organizing an effort to clear the base in the face of heavy
enemy mortar and recoilless
rifle fire.
The sapper attack was an unforgettable experience for Navy Lt. Cmdr.
(chaplain) David
Brock, who later told the division chaplain: “During the early moments
of the attack, and NVA
soldier stuck his head into the tent where I and two others were rising,
but fortunately, did not
throw a grenade inside. A grenade was thrown into a small bunker a few
feet away, killing two
men.”
Chaplain Brock remembers: “The firefight lasted until almost 7:45 a.m.
and during this
time I stayed with the doctor in the Aid Station in order to administer
last rites and to help with the
wounded. For two hours it looked as if the Aid Station would be made a
last stand. During the
firefight various thoughts went through my mind, such as: Would we live
through this? Will the
men be able to hold out? How were the young men on the lines doing? I
must admit that I was
scared but the feeling soon passed because we were too busy. The others
were afraid too but not one
of them showed his fear. As a matter of fact, it warmed one’s heart to
see just how well these young
men did in the face of death.”
Lieutenant Commander Brock was one of the regiment’s rather unique lot
of chaplains, who
almost seemed as if they were handpicked to serve with this particular
group of hard-nosed
Marines. Brock had seen action in the European Theatre of Operations as
a U.S. Army Sergeant in
World War II. He earned a Navy Commendation Medal with combat “V” and a
Vietnamese Cross.
of Gallantry with a silver star in Vietnam.
The officer in charge of the fire support base was partially buried in a
caved-in bunker
during the mortar attack. As he crawled out, he came face to face with
one of the sappers. The
Marine had a grenade in his hand but was too close to the enemy soldier
to use it. He leaped on the
surprised enemy soldier and bludgeoned him to death with the heavy base
of the grenade.
Using his personal knife as his primary weapon, the Company Gunnery
Sergeant killed
several of the sappers in hand-to-hand combat. Marines from the 106mm
battery, who had manned.
a machine gun in the southeast portion of the fire support base,
assaulted and killed six NVA
soldiers who were attempting to organize a strongpoint inside the
perimeter. The cooks from India
Battery accounted for 13 enemy killed when they manned a 50-caliber
machine gun.
The defensive perimeter had been penetrated by several dozen sappers
wearing only olive
green shorts and skullcaps. They all carried pack full of explosives and
were armed with shoulder fired
RPG’s, satchel charges, bamboo mines, small arms and grenades.
The artillery battalion’s fire direction control center was put out of
action, as was one
howitzer. During the period from 4:10 a.m. to daylight only one of the
Marines’ mortars remained
in action. The mortar team stayed with their weapon throughout the
assault, re-establishing
communications with the commander in the fire direction control center
and firing a total of 380
rounds.
Corporal Jim Best recalls the attack as a blur of indistinct memories.
“There were red and
green tracers flashing overhead, men screaming and explosions
everywhere. I lay there hugging the
ground thinking I may not get out, wondering if we’d been overrun.”
Although penetrated, the
Marine lines held and at times only a scant five feet separated the
combating forces. Men not
actively engaged in direct confrontations with the enemy forces were
busy coordinating HEAT
(high-explosive anti-tank) and illumination artillery fire or providing
other support services.
Artillery officers were coordinating fire missions while at the same
time an air officer was on the
radio requesting helicopter gunship support.
Lieutenant Raymond C. Benfatti, Commanding Officer of Company L, was
severely
wounded by an impacting rocket-propelled grenade during the initial
moments of the attack.
Ignoring his painful injuries, Benfatti steadfastly refused medical
evacuation and boldly shouted
words of encouragement to his men. He directed their fire against the
infiltrating sappers and two
supporting infantry companies until the hostile sapper unit was ejected
from the perimeter.
Despite the enemy rounds impacting all around him, Lieutenant Benfatti
quickly organized
a reaction force and supervised his Marines in evacuating the casualties
and replacing wounded
Marines in defensive emplacements. As the enemy support units pressed
their attack upon the
perimeter, Benfatti continued his determined efforts, repeatedly
exposing himself to intense hostile
fire as he directed the efforts of his men in repulsing the enemy
attack.
A flare ship was called on station to provide illumination outside the
perimeter wire. It
would remain on station throughout the night as the battle raged until
dawn. With flares lighting
up the night, a group of clerks, radio operators and engineers began a
systematic drive to eliminate
the enemy forces within the perimeter. Throughout the battle, Benfatti
called for artillery fires
from the batteries located on the mutually supporting fire-bases to
surround FSB Cunningham in a
curtain of hot steel. This supporting fire prevented enemy
reinforcements and exploitation of
breaches in the wire and also rendered impossible the retreat of the
sappers already inside the
compound.
At about 5:30 a.m. the Marines completed the reorganization of their
positions and began
slowly but methodically to break up the sapper attack. As dawn broke,
the spirited defenders were
mopping up the remnants of the enemy assault force. Contact, however,
was not broken until 7 a.m.
Jim Best describes the end of the battle; “The fighting slowed and it
was a few moments
before I realized that the fire support base was d4ad silent. There were
no sounds, only the fear of
not knowing the exact situation.”
AS the sun rose, the light and warmth it brought created a calming sense
of temporary
peace at FSB Cunningham. When it became apparent that the NVA had
withdrawn for good, the
counting began. Lieutenant Benfatti, who would win the Silver Star Medal
for his actions during
the attack, supervised the medical evacuation of casualties and
ascertained the welfare of his
Marines, resolutely refusing medical attention for his own wounds until
all the other wounded men
had been cared for.
The Marines found a total of 25 NVA bodies inside their defensive wires.
One of those bodies
was that of a sapper officer. Documents found on his body were examined,
translated and analyzed
by the 15th Interrogator/Translator Team, revealing the detailed
planning of the attack described
above.
Searching the enemy bodies, the Marines captured 26 RPG rounds, 25
Chicom grenades,
253 bamboo explosive devices, seven rifle grenades, 12 packs, two
radios, 11 AK-47 rifles and
numerous signal flares. The packs contained large quantities of
marijuana and other drugs.
The use of narcotics,” platoon leader Milton J. Teixeira said, “made
them a lot harder to
kill. Not one of the gooks we had inside the perimeter had less than
three or four holes in him.
Usually it took a grenade or something to stop him completely.”
A final tally of the battle damage revealed 4 Marines killed in
action, 46 Marines
wounded in action and 37 NVA killed in action. In “E” Battery, 2nd
Battalion, 12th Marines, had
taken heavy battle damage. Surveying the smoke-shrouded fire support
base, Colonel Barrow said:
“They’ll probably think twice from here on out before taking on another
Marine headquarters
group. These lads did a fantastic job in what could have been a nasty
situation. They were 100
percent professional fighting men; good Marines all the way.”
Michael R. Conroy, a Marine veteran of the Vietnam War, is working on a
book on Operation.
Dewey Canyon..
Suggestions for further reading:.
• The Vietnam Experience: Fighting for Time, by Samuel Lipsman and
Edward Doyle.
(Boston Publishing Company, 1983);
• The War in the Northern Provinces, by Willard Pearson (U.S. Government
Printing Office,.
1975).